Bremainers Ask …… Zack Polanski

Bremainers Ask …… Zack Polanski

Zack Polanski is Deputy Leader of the Green Party and a member of the London Assembly. Before politics, Zack was a former theatre actor and worked on Erasmus with young activists from all over Europe. Zack is currently running to be the next leader of the Green Party.

Ruth Woodhouse : Could you explain your suggestion that the UK should leave NATO?

There’s important nuance here – and it was completely missed in the headline!

Donald Trump has talked about annexing Greenland – one of our allies. That confirms how unpredictable, unstable and dangerous he is. Rather than relying on a nuclear alliance dominated by the US (and a President who says that he “admires Putin”), we should be building alternative international partnerships based on diplomacy, peace, and cooperation – especially with our European neighbours and the global south. That’s what global leadership should look like.

 

Peter Corr : In 2023 at National Rejoin March you spoke strongly in favour of Rejoining the EU. Will you firmly make that Green Party policy if you become party leader?

Green Party policy isn’t decided by the leader – it’s decided democratically by our members at our national conference. We’re a one member, one vote party.

But my personal view is clear: no version of Brexit could ever be better than remaining in the EU. And yes – I’ve always supported rejoining – as does the party!

 

Helen Johnston : Would the Green Party support joining forces with European Movement UK to campaign on environmental issues?

We already do! In fact, Caroline Lucas is President of the European Movement.

 

Michael Soffe : Do you have a vision of how you should strengthen your relationship with other green parties that have representation in the European Parliament?

Yes – and I’m going to Brussels tomorrow (at time of writing!) for an annual meeting with Green Party leaders from across Europe. I’ve attended many times before and will continue to build those links – even though a lot of the conversation understandably still centres on the European Parliament. I find it most helpful that the challenges facing our colleagues across the continent often have very obvious parallels to challenges we face in the UK too. And often we even have solutions!

David Eldridge : Would you favour an electoral pact between the Greens and Lib Dems? 

No. The Green Party received nearly 2 million votes in our best election ever. We’ve shown that even under First Past the Post, when we focus our efforts, we win.

I’m elected under Proportional Representation in London, so I work across party lines every day – but that’s different from electoral pacts. Cooperation with other politicians is essential but voters deserve a clear Green choice on the ballot.

We offer a unique platform: environmental, social, racial, and economic justice – and I’m confident many more people will choose that at the next election.

 

Steve Wilson : How would you tackle the issue of the mainstream media giving so much airtime to Reform UK and so little to the Greens, despite the comparable number of MPs?

I’ve been working with the Media Reform Coalition – and gave the keynote speech at their event last month. Our media system is broken. We urgently need more transparency, regulation, and accountability.

That said – since announcing my leadership bid, we’ve seen a major spike in Green Party media coverage. I’ve done a huge number of broadcast interviews, and you can find many of them here.

When we speak clearly about what we stand for – and against – we cut through. I plan to do a lot more of that!

 

Lisa Burton : What would you say were the benefits of Starmer’s ‘reset’ deal and where does it fall short?

Honestly, I don’t think it was much of a deal. It was encouraging to hear some recognition that we need a better relationship with Europe – but he missed the most obvious next step. Rejoining the customs union would be a straightforward, sensible move that would immediately benefit us all.

Of course, the long-term goal should be to rejoin the EU.

 

Valerie Chaplin : Can the two-party system ever be overcome without PR, and what would you regard as a reasonable timescale for fighting the battle for electoral reform?

Absolutely. The two-party system wasn’t always the status quo – and it doesn’t have to be the future either.

The Green Party has made net gains in local elections every year for the last eight years. We’ve shown we can win – and as Labour loses trust and credibility, a hung parliament is entirely possible at the next general election.

If we do find ourselves with influence, Proportional Representation will be central to our demands. It’s not just about fairness – it’s about making politics work better for everyone.

Next month

Ben Chambers is a musician, arranger and producer who is the voice behind the popular Pro-EU Radio Show and Podcast ‘SMR’ (Single Minded Rejoiners). If you would like to submit a question for Ben, please email us no later than Wednesday 9 July.

Democracy in Hungary and Poland

Democracy in Hungary and Poland

Fears of far-right rise as Nawrocki wins in Poland and Orbán clamps down in Hungary, warn experts at pro-Europe forum. Bremain Treasurer Helen Johnston writes for Yorkshire Bylines. 

On Monday 2 June, voters in Poland awoke to the news that the right-wing, Trump-backed Karol Nawrocki had narrowly defeated the centrist-liberal candidate, Rafał Trzaskowski in the country’s presidential elections. Meanwhile, democracy is in retreat in Hungary under Viktor Orbán, with ongoing challenges to human rights and civil society.

The following day, Grassroots for Europe, a UK-based umbrella organisation representing local pro-European groups, invited experts from Hungary and Poland to a roundtable forum with over 20 pro-European and citizen organisations to talk about the potential impact of these political shifts on the two countries, and on broader EU relations and security.

Setback and crackdown

The session, entitled ‘Democracy updates from Poland and Hungary – setback and crackdown’, was chaired by Cecilia Jastrzembska, co-chair of the EU–UK Stronger Together programme. The speakers were:

 

Wojciech Przybylski, editor-in-chief of the Polish publication Visegrad Insight and president of the Res Publica Foundation, an independent, non-partisan thinktank based in Warsaw

Dr András Kádár, human rights lawyer and co-chair of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, which assists refugees, detainees and victims of law enforcement violence

The Polish elections

Although he was technically an independent candidate, Nawrocki’s candidacy was supported by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, and his win was welcomed by populist leaders including Le Pen, Trump and, of course, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Wojciech Przybylski argued that, like many elections, this one was primarily lost by the opposition, rather than won by the victor. In much of Polish society, perceptions of the coalition government are negative, as reflected in current opinion polls. Centrist voters were deterred by the negative campaigning that dominated in the second run-off vote, resulting in victory for a man described by the Sunday Times as a hooligan and a pimp.

Przybylski, perhaps trying to look on the bright side, noted that Nawrocki is a polarising figure and dislike of him could have the opposite effect on voters in 2027, which could bolster the Tusk government’s fortunes. Alternatively, in foreign relations Nawrocki could even prove an asset, should he play along – helping to build bridges with Trump and nudge him towards supporting the war effort in Ukraine and Europe’s defence posture.

Poland’s shift to the right

Discussing the potential impact of Nawrocki’s presidency on Polish politics and foreign policy, Przybylski argued it is unlikely to be comfortable for the ruling coalition, nor indeed for the opposition. Nawrocki may end up positioning himself somewhere between the PiS and the far-right libertarian, sometimes extreme-right, Confederation (Konfederacja), which includes Sławomir Mentzen’s New Hope party and the more radically extreme Confederation of the Polish Crown (KKP), led by Grzegorz Braun.

Meanwhile, the ruling majority is increasingly aware it could lose power in 2027, so it will avoid making unpopular decisions and may well cut back on its reforming agenda. One strategy to attract voters could be to open the public coffers, distributing benefits with little regard for fiscal discipline. Given Poland’s high levels of defence spending, the impact on the country’s finances could be severe.

While the election results do represent a shift towards Euroscepticism and nationalism – potentially challenging Tusk’s pro-European agenda – Tusk’s Civic Platform and Kaczyński’s PiS together garnered 60% in the first round of the presidential elections. This duopoly that has dominated Polish politics for over 20 years may now be in decline, but the liberal majority parliamentary coalition parties would have had nothing to gain if Tusk had lost the vote of confidence on June 11 (which, as expected, he duly won).

Risks and opportunities

Under the previous PiS government, there was intentional state capture in terms of institutional matters such as the rule of law and the handing out of state assets to private actors. The Tusk government’s approach has been at times bureaucratic, but focuses on the proper process of legislation, respect for EU rules and rolling back, for example, efforts to turn a taxpayer-funded TV service into a party propaganda machine. Despite all this, while Przybylski believes the health of Poland’s democracy was damaged, the progress made under Tusk may slow or stall, but it is not likely to be reversed in the near future.

Asked about Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski’s potential as a future leader, Przybylski responded that he is well positioned for a bid for the presidency in 2030. He is a politician with a similar international standing to Donald Tusk, but with extensive domestic experience and a strong record in government. His ability to play ‘the polarisation game’ and sit down with politicians of all stripes (he had beers with both Trzaskowski and Sławomir Mentzen just before the elections), plus his potential to build bridges with international partners, could make him a key player.

Foreign influence and vote concern

The recent MAGA-backed CPAC event in Poland, funded, directly or indirectly, by Victor Orbán, overtly supported the PiS party campaign, but Przybylski does not believe it had much influence on the results. More concerning, he argued, is foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), intended not so much to support one party, but to undermine democracy and destabilise and polarise society. Three or four of the 13 presidential candidates ran on platforms that clearly drew on Kremlin narratives and there was undoubtedly some FIMI in the recent election process. But for the moment, this remains on a relatively limited scale.

The elections have been followed by allegations of irregularities and fraud; Poland’s national election body is now investigating potential vote counting irregularities and Trzaskowski has filed a protest with the Polish supreme court. A recount completed this week found some miscounted votes, but the election results still stand. These issues have, however, raised public concern about the electoral process, with Donald Tusk commenting on 18 June that resolving them is essential for maintaining trust in Poland’s democratic institutions.

European Parliament

Democracy under threat in Hungary

András Kádár, meanwhile, revealed concerning details on the state of affairs in Hungary, where the Orbán regime is putting increasing pressure on human rights organisations. New laws against foreign support for civil society organisations have had a chilling effect, but – so far – the Orbán government hasn’t been determined or efficient enough to threaten the existence of independent media outlets or civil society organisations in Hungary. It has tried to maintain at least a façade of democracy and not to be seen to be crossing certain lines.

The results of the Polish elections, and the close-run outcome of the elections in Romania, may encourage Orbán to believe the tide is now turning his way, and he can finally do away with checks and balances on his power. But Kádár was clear that “we are not giving up the fight. We haven’t done that for the past 15 years, and we are not intending to start now”.

Challenging the regime

Asked how organisations like the Hungarian Helsinki Committee are fighting back against democratic weakening and backsliding – such as legislative proposals threatening the suspension of Hungarian citizenship and violating freedom of assembly – Kádár talked about both legal countermeasures and civil resistance as vital tools for challenging the regime.

He argued that constitutional changes mean the law is no longer the law in Hungary – it is now seen by the regime as a tool for communication and the propaganda of hate. However, the rule of law persists in Hungary; nobody is above the law, even if the government can change it at will. This means hostile legislation can be challenged and, if necessary, taken out of the captured domestic system and brought before European courts.

Fighting back against Pride crackdowns

Ahead of Pride month, activists set up LGBTQ+ themed ‘pilot demonstrations’, which they announced to the police, to test their reaction and determine how to go about appealing bans, seeking both domestic remedies and interim measures in the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. “We are not afraid to actually announce a demonstration for LGBTQ+ rights, and we are absolutely not afraid to fight the police ban, and maybe attend Pride, even if it’s banned, and then take the consequences”, said Kádár. Such civil disobedience, he contended, empowers people to defy anti-democratic processes, because “this is a bully system, and I think you have to step up to a bully to be able to stop them”.

The autocrats’ laboratory

Despite Orbán’s manoeuvres to make it more difficult for other parties to win elections, Kádár believes Péter Magyar, the leader of Hungary’s largest opposition party, TISZA (Tisztelet és Szabadság – Respect and Freedom), has a serious chance of winning next year’s elections. Public opinion polls show that TISZA has a statistically significant lead. Orbán’s illiberal regime has resulted in the removal of checks and balances, and “when loyalty is the only criterion, when you don’t care about expertise and professionalism any more, and you don’t listen to those who disagree, I think you are bound to fail when it comes to policy. And this is just what happened in Hungary.”

The country is falling behind its neighbours on many metrics, including inflation, education and healthcare. The Orbán regime can only survive by becoming a “fully-fledged autocracy”. The questions now are whether that is possible as an EU member, whether the regime has the will to go further down that road, and what the European response will be.

Hungary will be an important test in this respect for the EU: Orbán is routinely crossing major red lines. The trends are not reassuring, with the AfD in Germany, Le Pen’s party in France, and Romania only just dodging the bullet. Even where the far right has not broken through, its voter numbers are climbing and Hungary is seen as a laboratory for other would-be autocrats in bigger countries, where they could cause much bigger problems – as we are seeing only too clearly in the USA.

Keeping Hungary in the spotlight

Kádár concluded by calling on activists everywhere to keep up the pressure: any kind of sanction, acts of solidarity, and alerting your contacts and friends about the issue would be of great help to Hungary. On one hand, it is a small country, and on the other, there is a danger of Hungary fatigue, that “people get tired and decide it’s a lost cause, it’s hopeless, so let’s focus on other challenges, let’s focus on Poland, let’s focus on Romania”.

What next?

Both speakers emphasised the importance of resilience and resolution in the face of democratic backsliding, and especially the need for continued support and solidarity from the European Union and other international partners.

The roundtable stakeholders agreed that continued engagement on these critical issues is vital, and hope to organise further events, possibly in collaboration with the Polish embassy and other organisations, to raise awareness of these worrying developments on the Eastern edges of the European Union.

Bremainers Ask …… Cold War Steve

Bremainers Ask …… Cold War Steve

Cold War Steve, AKA Christopher Spencer, is an artist from Birmingham who has been making surreal, satirical and hilarious photomontage art since 2016.

He has received commissions from the National Galleries of Scotland, Whitworth Gallery in Manchester and the Birmingham Museum and Gallery. Christopher’s work has been exhibited on giant billboard installations at Glastonbury Festival and on the cover of TIME magazine.

A feature length documentary – Cold War Steve Meets The Outside World – was made with Bafta winning director Kieran Evans and was released in October 2020 on Sky Arts.

Steve Wilson : How effective is art – and satire in particular – at alerting the public to the dangers of far-right extremism?

I feel that art – of any form – has always been very powerful at highlighting the threat posed by the far-right. I am hugely influenced by John Heartfield, an artist who made anti-Nazi photomontages in 1930’s Germany. He was a pioneer of using art as a weapon and, in doing so, placed himself in immense danger; he had to evade capture by the SS and escaped to what was then Czechoslovakia. His work was visually striking, carrying the gravest of messages, but also highly satirical and funny.

Even today there is something gratifying in laughing at the absurdity of some of narcissistic sociopaths we have to endure. That is what I try to do with my photomontages; create something that stands out and grabs people’s attention as they scroll through social media. Art alone will of course never be enough and there are very brave people who take to the streets to stand up to nazis and the far right. 

 

Valerie Chaplin : What do you think of Labour politics and the state of the UK at present?

Starmer has been a huge disappointment so far. Yes of course, they inherited a skip full of shit (that was on fire) after 14 years of the Conservatives, but it seems he is more concerned with winning over Reform voters than sticking to election promises. It’s obviously a tough job, especially in the circumstances, but it’s awful to see the Labour government lurching ever further right, with the poorest and most vulnerable in society being punished. 

I was never a massive fan of Starmer, but I didn’t think that I would have to focus on him in my work quite so much, quite so soon. 

 

David Eldridge : Who are your favourite politicians or personalities to depict?

It is a blessing and a curse to be doing what I do at this point in history. On the one hand I am desperately worried for the future of my three daughters – and would give up my career as Cold War Steve in a heartbeat to go back to pre-Brexit, pre-Trump times. On the other hand, I have so much material to work with and my anger will drive my work for years to come. 

There is also an abundance of grotesque characters with which to work. I don’t have a favourite, but I do enjoy creating naked Trump and Ketamine guzzling Musk. 

It is important to take a break from all of them when I can to be honest. Boris Johnson’s face became too much for me after a bit. Literally looking at him all day long for months. I was grateful to see the back of him on every level. 

Copyright @coldwarsteve.com

Anon : When many are leaving Musk’s ‘X’ to avoid the extremism, what would you recommend? Leave the platform for woker waters or stay and fight back?

I did toy with the idea of abandoning Twitter last year. However, I thought fuck it. Fuck him. Twitter is where I made my name, where my art first broke through with an audience. It always had unsavoury elements, but it gave me the opportunity to share my work and gain an audience – bypassing the impregnable and unfathomable ‘artworld’. I guess I think it is important that I still post on there, even though my work gets a fraction of the views it used to get pre-Musk algorithms. Feels like a small form of resistance I suppose. 

What I do miss is the interaction with my audience. I built up so many friends over the years and always enjoyed reading their comments. During the dark days of post-Brexit referendum and then Covid, it was so comforting to hear from like-minded individuals, who were equally as dismayed and angry as I was. I do not read comments on Twitter anymore. It’s too distressing. People with actual ‘British Union of Fascists’ logos as their profile picture. I mean, WTF? 

 

Helen Johnston : If you were PM with a large majority, what would be your priorities in the current political climate?

This is going to sound ridiculously idealistic and simplistic, but I would do whatever it takes to make a fairer society; tax the rich, reverse Brexit, stop the demonising of immigrants, the elderly and disabled. I don’t think it is too much to ask. 

Trying to rebuild some of the damage done to politics. To reestablish faith in good politicians, political parties and democracy. I hear from too many people how they have given up hope completely, I worry people feel that the whole system should be inherently distrusted and at worst completely demolished. The status quo is shit, but how do we start to build something different? I suppose that is the big one.

 

Terry Haines : There are a lot of artists who do photo montage satirical work. Do you and they worry about AI being used by non-artists making your efforts redundant? What is the solution?

I am a staunch ‘non-AI’ artist. I use actual photographs, taken by a human being. The advancements in AI imagery are insane, but I find they all lack any detailed nuance. It’s a realistic picture of Trump crying, holding a cat or something. I always feel an image is more powerful if it has a sort of punk ‘DIY’ human quality. Or a background of a 1970’s Working Men’s Club!

Zack Polanski is Deputy Leader of the Green Party and a member of the London Assembly. Before politics, Zack was a former theatre actor and worked on Erasmus with young activists from all over Europe. Zack is currently running to be the next leader of the Green Party.

If you would like to submit a question(s) for Zack, please email us no later than Monday 9 June.

Bremainers Ask …….. Caroline Lucas

Bremainers Ask …….. Caroline Lucas

Caroline is Co-President of the European Movement, having previously served as the UK’s first Green Party MP between 2010 and 2024. Caroline also served as Leader and Co-Leader of the Green Party, and for 10 years as an MEP in the European Parliament.

She is a writer, campaigner and keynote speaker, who has won numerous awards for her work. Her latest book – ‘Another England: How to Reclaim our National Story’ – is a Sunday Times bestseller.

Michael Soffe : How can the Green Party overcome the voting system in the UK without PR? Is there something that you feel should be done differently?

Our democracy is broken. Nearly two million people voted Green at the General Election last year, and under a system of PR, that could have delivered us over 40 MPs – which would have been transformational! Instead we have four – a result that’s not only unfair, it’s a democratic crisis that leaves so many people’s voices unheard. The current system reflects an outdated political paradigm that serves the two big establishment parties and stifles the real change this country desperately needs. My hope is that, before the next election, the Labour leadership finally realises this – and recognises that it’s also in their interests to embrace electoral reform. 

Labour’s members have already made their views known, when Conference voted three years ago in favour of changing the system – but Keir Starmer ignored them. It’s time he listened. But even with just four MPs, Greens are making a real difference – putting issues high on the political agenda that simply wouldn’t otherwise be there, like more ambitious climate and nature policies, bringing public services into public hands, introducing a wealth tax and – of course – much closer ties with the EU. And at a local level, Greens are going from strength to strength, with over 800 councillors, and serving as members of the administration of 40 councils.

Ruth Woodhouse : What was your greatest “takeaway” from your time as an MEP?

That the European Parliament does some really important and effective things – but we need to communicate about them so much better! During the Brexit referendum, it became clear that the vast majority of the British public had no idea that British politicians were co-legislators in Europe – which allowed the Leave campaign to claim that that EU policy was being ‘imposed’ on people. That said, the EU also needs to be more transparent and accountable so that people can genuinely see how decisions are made, and know how to influence them.

Tracy Rolfe : What effect has Brexit had on the environment and green initiatives?

A very damaging one! It’s been said that, post Brexit, environmental legislation in Britain is facing death by a thousand cuts. For example, a number of toxic chemicals that are banned in the EU can still be used in the UK. As a result, over 100 food items are allowed to carry more pesticide when sold to the UK public. It also means our waters are dirtier, and our consumer products are more likely to contribute to global deforestation. 

I’m pleased that the European Movement is now doing more to campaign on the environmental impacts of Brexit and, in particular, is calling on the Government to seek to rejoin the European Environment Agency as a first step: a practical way of working more closely together on shared common problems over shared species and habitats, and also a practical way of building trust and confidence. 

Bremain Chair Sue Wilson MBE and  Caroline Lucas

Steve Wilson : The Government insists that the US remains a valuable ally. Should the UK speak out against Trump as Canada, France and others have done, and what would be the ramifications of doing so?

I believe the UK should stand up to bullies. And if we did so in close cooperation with our European neighbours and others who share our values, like Canada, we’d likely be in a much stronger position than we are right now. At the moment we face the worst of both worlds – the so-called ’special relationship’ hasn’t shielded us from US tariffs, and being outside the EU means greater trade friction with European partners too. Trump had to back down over his latest round of tariffs, and is now weaker. We should capitalise on the opportunity to work together in all of our interests, rather than each suing for the most advantageous deal possible for our own individual ’national interest’.

Anon : Is Labour’s determination not to break their manifesto promises – even if harmful to economic growth and stability – ensuring they’ll be a one-term Government?

I imagine you’re talking specifically about their totally arbitrary ‘fiscal rules’ and their inflexible red lines over Europe? If so, I’d agree that it puts their re-election chances in real jeopardy. Worse, they could well be making it more likely that Reform UK will do well. People didn’t vote Labour to see more cuts to welfare and public services. I’ve been horrified to see how Labour’s response to the rise of the populist right has been to shift in their direction, rather than standing up to them. Their recent Facebook ads advertising tougher migration policies, deliberately branded as if it were from Reform, were a particularly low point. Both Starmer and Reeves keep saying the world has changed. I agree with them. So why haven’t they changed their policies to align with this new reality?

Trevor Andrews : If you were in charge of the EU, what change would be your key priority?

Properly funding the European Green Deal policies, and making them more ambitious, alongside a genuinely just transition for affected workers. That way the EU could be a real beacon of best practice and could demonstrate that Green policies tackle both social injustice and environmental degradation.

Next month

Christopher Spencer, AKA “Cold War Steve”, is a British collage artist and satirist whose work typically depicts a grim, dystopian England populated by British media figures, celebrities, and politicians. His work has been described as having “captured the mood of Brexit Britain” and he has over 388,000 followers on X.

If you wish to submit a question for consideration, please email us no later than noon on Thursday 8 May.